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The Economic Outlook
William Poole*
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
AAIM Management Association
St. Louis, Mo.
May 11, 2005
*I appreciate comments provided by my colleagues at the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Kevin L. Kliesen, Associate Economist
in the Research Division, provided special assistance. The views
expressed are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions
of the Federal Reserve System.
The Economic Outlook
I am pleased to be here today to discuss the economic outlook for
the nation. There are always issues of one sort or another, and
today is no different. Still, although I’ll discuss these
issues, it is worth reminding ourselves just how sound the U.S.
economy is. In short, life is good for most Americans and the nation
has done a fine job in seizing opportunities. The fact that we have
issues to discuss is a consequence of how ambitious we are. We know
that our nation always has further opportunities to exploit, improvements
to make and problems to solve. My point is simply that in discussing
problems we not lose sight of what we have and why we have it.
With regard to longer-run issues, perhaps their key unifying feature
is that they arise from the changing demographic situation in the
United States and the rest of the world. Demands on government from
our aging population, centered on, but not confined to, Social Security
and Medicare are at the top of the agenda. Although not the whole
story, these spending pressures have much to do with the federal
budget deficit and prospects for future deficits. It would be easy
to expand the list of longer-run issues, but doing so would make
impossible a discussion of the topic for today—the U.S. economic
outlook over the next few years.
The major issues in the economic outlook, much in the news in
recent weeks, concern prospects for inflation and the possibility
of a slowdown in economic growth. I’ll take up the growth
situation first, and then turn to inflation.
Before proceeding, I want to emphasize that the views I express
here are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions
of the Federal Reserve System. I especially appreciate assistance
provided by Kevin Kliesen, Associate Economist in the Research Division
of the St. Louis Fed. However, I retain full responsibility for
errors.
Employment and Output
Over the past few weeks, government statistical agencies and private-sector
organizations have released several key economic reports. Recent
data pound home an important lesson. High-frequency data, such as
monthly reports, tend to be variable and subject to revision. Before
last Friday’s employment report, the financial press was full
of articles on the prospects for a soft-patch in the economy. The
large increase in employment in April reported on Friday, and upward
revisions of employment data for February and March, dispelled much
of the soft-patch talk. While I talk about recent data, however,
keep in mind that, as one of my economist friends put it, because
of data revisions economic history is never quite what she used
to be.
To emphasize how important it is to examine statistical reports
closely, note that even revisions must be examined closely. Consider
the April employment report. Seasonally adjusted employment for
March was revised up by 93,000, a significant number of jobs. But
the seasonally unadjusted count was revised up by only 50,000 jobs—still
significant but many fewer than 93,000. Thus, revision of seasonal
factors accounted for 43,000 of the total revision of 93,000 in
the seasonally adjusted job count. Revisions of seasonal factors
are not fundamental, but merely change how employment gains are
distributed across the months of the year.
The lesson, by the way, is not that the data are misleading but
instead that they must be interpreted with due regard to the statistical
processes behind their construction. Current estimates published
by the statistical agencies represent the best estimates our first-class
professional statisticians can supply. Agency publications provide
ample information on the statistical properties of these estimates,
and we ignore those properties at our peril.
From a forecasting perspective, perhaps the most important of
the recent data releases was indeed the employment report for April.
Based on this report—a total seasonally-adjusted jobs gain
of 274,000—it appears that economic conditions improved dramatically
in April. In addition, growth of aggregate hours was the strongest
in more than eight years, while average hourly earnings advanced
at almost a 4 percent rate. Together, these numbers imply considerable
growth in personal income in April.
Other important reports released recently include first-quarter
estimates of real GDP, employment costs and productivity, or output
per hour of labor input. At the beginning of every month the Institute
for Supply Management releases its reports for manufacturing and
non-manufacturing, and so we now have those reports for April. The
ISM manufacturing report is a particularly valuable indicator of
economic activity in the manufacturing sector.
As measured by the ISM’s diffusion index, the pace of manufacturing
activity slowed a little more than expected in April, as both the
index of new orders and order backlogs dipped and firms reportedly
pared their inventory stocks. Of note, the ISM report ran a bit
counter to the tone of the latest beige book report, which noted
“largely positive” readings from most Districts, and
to a few other surveys of the manufacturing sector released in April.
Nonetheless, the Fed’s monthly industrial production report
for March suggest that growth of manufacturing output has retreated
modestly, albeit from rather high rates of growth. These readings
on manufacturing are consistent with the April jobs report, which
showed that manufacturing jobs actually declined by 6,000 despite
the strong overall jobs growth of 274,000.
On the non-manufacturing side, the ISM’s April Business
activity index also edged down modestly from March’s level,
but was slightly stronger than expected. Moreover, the report indicates
continued strong growth in the services sector of the economy, which
is much larger than the goods producing sectors.
The flood of news continued with this morning’s report on
international trade in March, which I’ve not yet had a chance
to digest. Tomorrow we’ll learn how sales at the nation’s
retailers fared in April. The retail sales report is followed with
great interest, but I always issue a word of special warning on
this report. The report that will get all the attention is the Advance
Report on Retail Sales, which tends to be volatile and is often
revised substantially. Analysts should pay almost as much attention
to the revisions of prior advance reports as they do to the initial
estimate. That said, indications are retail sales posted a sizable
gain in April—even when last month’s impressive auto
sales are excluded.
As many analysts have commented, some of the latest data are suggestive
of an economic soft patch. I do not disagree with this interpretation,
but emphasize that there is so much noise in monthly data that it
is unwise to dramatically alter economic forecasts for this year
and next. The latest Blue Chip forecast for 2005 is 3.4 percent
real growth, measured in terms of the entire year compared to 2004,
and also 3.3 percent growth for 2006 compared to 2005. Admittedly,
these are modestly below last month’s Blue Chip forecasts,
which were for 3.7 and 3.4 percent for 2005 and 2006, respectively.
These forecasts probably reflect the weaker-than-expected first-quarter
GDP report, but I would not be at all surprised if they were marked
up in response to the strong April jobs report. In any event, the
forecasts are below last year’s 4.4 percent growth, as should
be expected as the economy absorbs its margin of underutilized labor
and capital resources.
Now I’ll turn to recent GDP data. The broadest measure of
economic conditions is the nation’s gross domestic product.
A couple of weeks ago, the Bureau of Economic Analysis pegged first-quarter
real GDP growth at 3.1 percent, which was about three-quarters of
a percentage point below both the April Blue Chip Consensus forecast
and the economy’s growth registered in the fourth quarter
of 2004. This first quarter report was the BEA’s “advance”
estimate, which is based on incomplete data. Among other items,
the BEA lacks solid estimates of exports, imports, and business
inventories for the last month of the quarter when the advance estimate
is released. The BEA projects the missing data using past data and
some judgment.
As the missing source data trickle in, and the existing source
data get revised, the BEA will revise its estimate of first-quarter
real GDP; it will publish the first revision, which it calls the
“preliminary” estimate on Thursday, May 26. I have no
reason to believe that the revision will be either up or down.
The advance GDP report for the first quarter had several key features.
First, growth of consumer expenditures remained fairly strong, though
its contribution to real GDP growth lagged a bit from the previous
quarter. For the most part, weaker growth of consumer outlays reflected
a sizable decline in purchases of light trucks. In fact, outlays
for new light trucks—a significant component of which are
SUVs—declined at a double-digit rate for the second consecutive
quarter. This segment of the auto market has obviously been adversely
affected by higher gasoline prices. However, domestic auto and light
trucks sales improved dramatically in April, and combined were up
a little more than 7 percent from two months earlier; sales of foreign-produced
light vehicles were up a bit more, about 7.5 percent.
Dissecting the components of the report, the largest single reason
for slower GDP growth in the first quarter was a slowdown in business
expenditures on equipment and software. Business investment in structures
also slowed. After growing at about a 13 percent rate over the final
three quarters of 2004, real business fixed investment only increased
at about a 5 percent rate in the first quarter. Given that many
forecasters continue to expect relatively strong growth in business
capital for the remainder of 2005, and even into 2006, it may be
the case that some of the rapid growth of business investment in
2004 reflected the efforts of firms to take advantage of the business
investment tax incentives that expired on the last day of 2004.
If so, then the first-quarter investment lull may have merely reflected
the fact that some firms decided to move forward into 2004 some
of the capital expenditures that otherwise would have occurred in
early 2005.
Partially offsetting the capital-spending slowdown in the first
quarter was a modest increase in the growth of housing construction.
For some time now, the resiliency of the U.S. housing industry has
surprised many in the forecasting community. Indeed, March construction
spending rose by more than expected. Although housing is susceptible
to long-term demographic trends such as a declining number of new
household family formations, for purposes of discussing the short-term
outlook movements in mortgage interest rates and real household
incomes matter more for this segment of the economy. Accordingly,
as long as mortgage rates remain relatively low and growth of real
after-tax income remains relatively strong, then housing should
do fine. Should either of these factors take a turn for the worse,
it would be natural to expect a different outcome.
Finally, I should note that the growth of U.S. exports to foreign
residents rebounded rather strongly in the first quarter, but that
the pace of spending by U.S. residents on foreign-produced goods
and services rose by even more. Because the U.S. economy remains
considerably stronger than many of our trading partners, and the
growth differential will likely persist for the rest of this year
and into next year, foreign demand for U.S.-produced goods and services
will probably continue to lag U.S. demand for foreign products.
As long as the United States remains a good place for foreigners
to invest their excess saving, one should not expect a significant
realignment between the growth of U.S. exports and imports. On balance,
there seems to be a firmer tone to the very latest data, in contrast
to the soft texture that characterized some of the previous readings.
Now I’ll discuss recent developments on the inflation front.
Recent Inflation Developments
Perpetuating one of last year’s most significant developments,
consumers and businesses continue to face higher-than-expected prices
of crude oil and refined products this year. To put some numbers
into this discussion, I’ll concentrate on prices for West
Texas Intermediate, the benchmark grade of U.S. crude oil. At the
end of 2004, the futures contract for delivery in December 2005
closed at a little under $42 per barrel, and the spot price at about
$43.50 per barrel. By early April, futures prices had risen to a
little less than $59 per barrel while the spot price had risen to
more than $57 a barrel. Since then, spot prices have fallen back
to around $50 per barrel, but futures prices have only dropped to
around $53 per barrel. Although still high, it is useful to remember
that current prices would need to rise to around $77 per barrel
to reach their record inflation-adjusted highs that were seen in
early 1980.
Traditionally, large oil price increases have principally reflected
reductions, either actual or expected, in supply as a consequence
of oil embargoes and wars. However, a key feature of the current
episode is the prominence of demand-side factors associated with
an increased call on world supplies by fast-growing economies like
China and India. Significant growth in the United States has also
boosted world energy demand.
Looking ahead, it is likely that demand-side pressures will continue
to be important. The International Monetary Fund’s latest
World Economic Outlook projects that world oil demand will
increase by about 68 percent between 2004 and 2030. However, China’s
projected demand is expected to increase by more than 192 percent,
and its share of world consumption is projected to nearly double
to 13.5 percent. To meet this increased worldwide demand, the IMF
projects that non-OPEC supply will increase by about 40 percent;
to make up the difference, the IMF projects that OPEC production
will have to rise by about 112 percent. (1)
Already, OPEC is estimated to be producing at about 95 percent capacity.
What this means, in short, is that new fields or alternative sources
of energy will need to be found and developed, or enhanced conservation
measures will be required.
In a market-based economy like ours, the pricing mechanism eventually
allocates resources to their most productive uses. Hence, higher
oil prices will stimulate both increased production and active energy
conservation measures, both of which will tend to limit further
price increases and perhaps reduce prices over time. This process
is not something that usually occurs rapidly. Longer-dated futures
prices, such as the contract for delivery of West Texas Intermediate
in December 2009, have risen from about $27.75 per barrel in early
March 2004 to just under $48 per barrel currently. That fact suggests
that many market participants believe that higher oil prices will
be with us for some time.
High prices, however, should not be confused with rising
prices. Although there may be some continuing pass-through of higher
energy prices into prices for other goods, energy itself should
not be a source of long-continuing inflation pressure.
Should we be concerned about the economic effects of higher energy
prices? Over the near-term, as last year showed, the increase in
real oil prices, which exceeded 25 percent, helped to produce higher
inflation rates and modestly weaker growth than would otherwise
have occurred. If this year’s unexpected increase in oil prices
persists, then it would be reasonable to expect a drag on the growth
of real incomes, and thus output, and higher inflation relative
to what was originally expected.
The National Association for Business Economics recently asked
its panel of industry economists to estimate the effect on their
estimates for real GDP growth and CPI inflation for 2005 if West
Texas Intermediate ends the year at $56 per barrel, which is where
December 2005 futures price was in early April. Most of the panelists
reported that the most likely outcome would be for real GDP growth
to be reduced by between 0.2 to 0.6 percentage points, and for CPI
inflation to rise by between 0.2 to 0.6 percentage points. These
estimates give the sense that energy prices are significant for
the U.S. economy, but not so significant as to change the outlook
in any fundamental way.
If the effects of energy prices today seem relatively small, it
is useful to understand that the magnitude of today’s increases
would have probably produced much larger effects if we were using
technologies and economic production processes from the 1970s. Technological
improvements, which have made our economy much more energy efficient,
and improvements in our regulatory structure, which have allowed
the price mechanism to work more freely, mean that today’s
economy can endure periods of sharply higher energy prices with
less damage than in earlier periods. U.S. energy demand per dollar
of real GDP has declined by about 21 percent since 1990, and by
about 38 percent since 1980. Thus, while higher oil prices do have
adverse effects, we should not underestimate the capacity of the
U.S. economy to adjust to those higher prices. Our economy’s
solid performance during the period of rising oil prices over the
past four years is a testament to its resilience.
In few areas is this resiliency more evident than in the nation’s
labor productivity growth, which has averaged a shade over 3 percent
per year since 1996. In the first quarter of this year, output per
hour in the nonfarm business sector rose at a 2.6 percent annual
rate after rising at about a 1.75 percent annual rate over the second
half of 2004. For quite some time, the FOMC has regularly commented
on the “ongoing support to economic activity” from “robust
underlying growth in productivity.” Should this support begin
to erode—and there appears to be little evidence that it has—one
of the consequences would be an elevated risk of higher inflation.
Labor costs depend on wages and productivity. Labor costs have
been increasing only modestly, because productivity increases have
been almost as large as wage increases. If productivity growth falters,
labor costs will increase more rapidly and, at some point, firms
will attempt to recoup some of these costs in the form of higher
product prices. Although unit labor costs edged modestly higher
over the second half of 2004, growing at a 3 percent rate, their
rate of gain in the first quarter of 2005 slowed to about a 2¼
rate. Even though costs have drifted modestly higher over the past
year relative to a few years earlier, as best we can judge forecasters
do not envision a sustained upturn that would grab the Fed’s
attention. If anything, as the modest first-quarter gains in the
employment cost index showed, the threat level is not terribly high,
though it is obviously important for the FOMC to follow these developments
closely.
Thinking about the Outlook
In thinking about the outlook over the next couple of years, policymakers
will be paying especially close attention to three unfolding developments.
First, inflation pressures may continue to intensify, particularly
for prices of non-energy and non-food items. The FOMC will have
to sort out whether the data indicate that more rapid price increases
are a temporary blip on an otherwise steady long-term outlook or
an indication of a more fundamental inflation problem. Second, the
FOMC will be following incoming data closely to determine whether
the recent moderation in economic growth is likely to persist into
the summer and beyond. Finally, at what point will we perceive that
FOMC policy actions have been sufficient to maintain long-run price-stability?
As I see it, there is little reason to modify the output and inflation
projections that the FOMC presented to Congress in February. The
central tendency of the Board of Governors and Reserve Bank Presidents
was that real GDP would increase by between 3¾ and 4 percent
this year, and that core PCE inflation was most likely to come in
at 1½ to 1¾ percent. As the April employment report
vividly showed, the data can sometimes turn on a dime. When we put
all the recent data together, we get a mixed picture that does not
require a fundamental change to the outlook. Nevertheless, we should
not forget the usual forecast errors. Given the unpredictable things
that can happen, a point forecast of 3¾ percent real growth
over the four quarters of 2005 should really be expressed as a growth
rate of 3¾ plus or minus 1¼ percent. (2)
The Federal Reserve’s strategy for encouraging maximum sustainable
economic growth depends on maintaining price stability. Forecasters
were surprised by the pickup in inflation last year: The Consumer
Price Index (CPI), the best known measure of consumer prices, rose
by 3½ percent over the twelve months of 2004, which was about
1½ percentage points higher than forecasters had expected.
Much of this forecast error was due to unexpectedly higher energy
prices. Still, when we strip out food and energy prices, we find
that “core inflation” rose to about 2¼ percent
on a CPI basis.
The Fed’s preferred measure of prices is the price index
used to deflate personal consumption expenditures (PCE) in the national
income and product accounts, less food and energy prices. One area
of concern is that core PCE prices have risen rather rapidly thus
far in 2005; they are up at almost a 3 percent annual rate for the
three months ending in March, compared to the 1½ percent
gain seen for all of 2004. As yet, though, nominal interest rates
have not moved in a manner that would suggest the market is beginning
to price-in a larger inflation premium. If anything, yields on 10-year
Treasury securities suggest just the opposite because they are not
only little changed since the first of the year but also still below
last June’s level when the FOMC began its policy of bringing
the federal funds target rate toward an equilibrium level. To me,
that suggests that the market is confident of the FOMC’s resolve
to keep inflation well-controlled. This view is generally confirmed
by the financial market’s view of long-term inflation expectations
over a period of 5 to 10 years as registered in the yield spread
between conventional and inflation-protected Treasury securities.
The FOMC has emphasized that it is prepared, if necessary, to
move more aggressively to protect the relatively low rate of core
inflation that now exists. Nevertheless, the FOMC’s best judgment
at this time is that the target federal funds rate can continue
to rise at a measured pace and that this policy will maintain economic
growth without rising inflation.
I’ve emphasized on any number of occasions my view that
today’s expected policy path ought to be considered tentative.
The expected path is based on the FOMC’s best judgment from
data currently in hand. If there are surprises in newly arriving
data that require a major revision to the outlook, with regard to
either GDP growth or inflation, then the FOMC will revise its expected
policy path.
The only important surprise I’ve seen in the past year is
that there has not been a major surprise in the economic data, except
for energy prices. This stability in the economy is reflected in
the stability of economic forecasts. In January 2004, the Blue Chip
consensus forecast for 2005 was for real GDP to grow at a 3.7 percent
rate. Month by month since January 2004 the Blue Chip consensus
for 2005 growth has been remarkably constant, ranging between a
low of 3.4 percent this month and a high of 3.8 in several months,
most recently July 2004. Indeed, the consensus was 3.7 percent last
month.
The Blue Chip consensus inflation forecast for 2005, as measured
by the total CPI, has changed more, from 2.1 percent in January
2004 to 2.8 percent this month. Much of that increase reflects energy
price increases that were not foreseen. Over the past 12 months,
the total CPI has risen by 0.8 percentage points faster than the
core CPI.
Looking ahead, I’m optimistic about the inflation situation.
Wage inflation remains modest. Productivity growth remains good.
The pricing environment remains quite competitive, which means that
firms cannot readily expand profit margins. Should any of these
factors change adversely—wages rise more rapidly, productivity
rise more slowly, and/or profit margins expand—then inflation
risks will rise. Although I believe that inflation risks are tilted
to the upside, I do not believe that the probabilities are high
enough to justify concern at this time. My optimism also reflects
the fact that money growth—the fuel for long-run inflation—remains
quite low and has in fact declined over the past 6 months.
At some point we’ll almost certainly see some surprises
in the data. What should not be uncertain, however, is the Fed’s
iron-clad commitment to maintaining price stability. Maintaining
fundamental price stability is central to maximizing sustainable
economic growth and the economy’s ability to adjust successfully
to inevitable shocks. That has been the Fed’s message for
many years, and its guide to its own policy actions. When a strategy
has succeeded so well, why change it?
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Footnotes
- Table 4.5, World Economic Outlook, International Monetary
Fund (April 2005). Supply projections are mid-point estimates
between upper- and lower-bound projections for non-OPEC supply
and Call on OPEC.
- William T. Gavin and Rachel J, Mandal, “Evaluating FOMC
Forecasts,” International Journal of Forecasting,
19 (October-December, 2003), pp. 655-67.
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